Tuesday, November 10, 2026
Socialists and Islamists once toppled a shah. Then came the reckoning.
Socialists and Islamists once toppled a shah. Then came the reckoning.
In 1979, Iran’s red-green alliance helped bring down a monarch. The victors soon turned on one another — a cautionary history and a warning for America.
The Democrats will control both houses of Congress in January. On the party's left flank, the Democratic Socialists of America saw six new House candidates win, joining Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.). The DSA’s own post-election statement boasts that its members will fight for Medicare for All, abolishing ICE, and an arms embargo on Israel.
Michigan elected Abdul El-Sayed, the nation’s first Muslim senator. New Jersey elected Adam Hamawy to the House. These are different developments, but they have prompted a familiar question on the right: Is a red-green alliance taking shape in American politics?
An activist minority need not command a majority to shift a party’s agenda.
The red-green alliance is a name for tactical cooperation between the revolutionary left and political Islam. They disagree about faith, society, and individual liberty. Yet both have at times opposed American power and Israel, and both know how to organize. The danger lies in the shared campaign that masks incompatible long-term ambitions. A mere count of socialist and Muslim officeholders doesn’t tell the whole story. The evidence lies in the organizations working together.
History supplies a warning about alliances whose members believe they can use one another. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 brought together clerics, liberal nationalists,Marxist guerrillas, and Islamic leftists against Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini possessed something his rivals lacked: a nationwide network of mosques and religious authorities capable of mobilizing followers.
From exile in France, Khomeini promised religious freedom. The secular left and nationalist opposition hoped to share in the new order or eventually direct it. The Tudeh Communist Party endorsed the Islamic Republic and praised its opposition to American influence. Its leaders treated cooperation as a route to influence. Khomeini treated it as a temporary convenience.
The result was catastrophic for his former partners. After the monarchy fell, the clerics consolidated authority. The new constitution established religious guardianship over the state. President Abolhassan Bani-Sadr was dismissed in 1981. Armed opposition drew savage reprisals. By 1983, the regime had outlawed Tudeh and arrested its leaders. In 1988, Iranian authorities executed thousands of political prisoners, including members of leftist movements.
Within a decade, many of the forces that had helped bring down the Shah had been imprisoned, executed, or driven abroad. Their common enemy had concealed profound disagreements about who would rule afterward. The clerics won that struggle.
America in 2026 is not Iran in 1979, and El-Sayed is no Khomeini. But the Iranian precedent exposes a danger that transcends country and century: A coalition assembled around common enemies may conceal irreconcilable ideas of what should replace them.
New York supplies a concrete example. Zohran Mamdani rose through the DSA, while the Muslim advocacy organization CAIR Action backed his mayoral campaign. Socialist activists and Muslim political organizations worked toward the same electoral result. The alliance did not require agreement on every issue. Its strength came from a candidate and a common cause.
The DSA’s demand for an arms embargo on Israel illustrates another point of convergence. El-Sayed, though neither a DSA member nor its endorsed candidate, campaigned against American military aid to Israel. The overlap is political, and we should ask how enduring it may become.
Still, moderate Democrats also won in Republican territory. The victories of Muslim candidates and socialist candidates do not automatically amount to a unified Islamist-socialist movement. The point is narrower and more consequential: Activists who share a few urgent demands can gain influence in a party that has more seats than agreement on how to use them. Khomeini knew how to resolve those ambiguities.
And those ambiguities will matter in the coming weeks, months, and years. Democrats will control congressional committees and possess subpoena power. The DSA’s small House bloc can pressure party leaders, introduce legislation, and shape the debate ahead of 2028, even while President Trump retains his veto. An activist minority need not command a majority to shift a party’s agenda.
RELATED: Muslims organize openly. Why do Christians act like they can’t?
What happens when tactical allies gain power and discover their disagreements? Iran offers one answer, in a country whose institutions collapsed amid revolution. America’s Constitution and its divided political institutions offer a profoundly different order. That difference is a safeguard, but it is no excuse for ignoring the leverage that disciplined factions can acquire inside a governing coalition.
Conservatives should respond with a program rather than a historical analogy alone. That means fiscal restraint, a government limited by constitutional boundaries, protection for religious liberty, and a defense of parental authority in education. It also requires arguments about the cost of living and the prospects for working families, issues that helped move voters this November.
Socialism asks Americans to place greater economic authority in the state. Political Islam, where it seeks religious authority over civil government, raises a different constitutional challenge. Neither claim should be confused with the mere presence of socialists or Muslims in elective office. The task is to test the policies and organizations actually seeking power.
The left’s victories give its activists a louder voice and new opportunities to test their alliances. The history of Iran warns against underestimating what a disciplined partner can do once admitted to power. Conservatives have two years to offer voters something better before 2028. A history lesson alone will not do the job.
Good luck with that...bwahaha
Hakeem Jeffries implies democratic socialists oppose his leadership out of RACISM
Disgusting import
Somali citizen from Kenya accused of shooting 2 Iowa McDonald's workers — over alleged incorrectly filled order
The 25-year-old Somali citizen from Kenya reportedly fired multiple shots at the fast-food restaurant's employees at the drive-thru.
A 25-year-old male — whom the Department of Homeland Security confirmed is a Somali citizen from Kenya — is accused of shooting two McDonald's workers through a drive-thru window last week.
And it was over an alleged incorrectly filled order, officials said.
'DENATURALIZE AND DEPORT.'
Officers were dispatched to the McDonald’s in the 2500 block of SE Delaware Ave. in Ankeny, Iowa, around 10:30 p.m. Thursday after multiple 911 callers said a person in a vehicle fired through the drive-thru window, the City of Ankeny stated.
The suspect left in a vehicle before officers arrived, officials said.
Responding officers found an adult male with a gunshot wound to his arm and immediately provided emergency aid, officials said, adding that Ankeny Fire Department medics also provided care, and the victim was taken to a hospital. Officials said he's expected to survive.
A second adult male was grazed by a bullet, officials said, adding that he was evaluated at the scene. KCCI-TV reported that he was not taken to a hospital.
A preliminary investigation shows the suspect shot at employees multiple times following a dispute over an order that was allegedly incorrectly filled, officials said, adding that both victims were McDonald’s employees who didn't know the suspect.
Officers used security video from the fast-food restaurant as well as automated license plate reader technology to identify the vehicle — and also to identify the suspect as Hassan Mohamed of Des Moines, officials said.
Libs of TikTok said the Department of Homeland Security confirmed that Mohamed is a Somali citizen from Kenya who entered the U.S. in 2014 and was granted U.S. citizenship by the Biden administration in 2021. A DHS official with knowledge of the matter clarified to Blaze News that Mohamed is a Somali citizen but Kenyan born.
Libs of TikTok in its X post added, "DENATURALIZE AND DEPORT."
KCCI said officers found Mohamed about two miles away at WoodSpring Suites and took him into custody without incident. Officials said the arrest took place about an hour after the shootings, and the Polk County Sheriff’s Office assisted with the arrest.
Officials said Mohamed was charged with two counts of attempted murder, two counts of intimidation with a dangerous weapon, one count of willful injury causing bodily injury, and one count of willful injury causing serious injury.
Jail records Blaze News accessed Monday indicate Mohamed remains behind bars with no bail.
Officials said the incident remains under investigation, and there is no ongoing threat to the public.
What have we become?
Dad convicted of incest with teen daughter who later committed suicide walks free after only months behind bars
When the State wants you dead
When ‘medical aid in dying’ stops looking like a choice
An Ontario grandmother wept after learning when she would die. Her family disputes her consent, and police are investigating. A terrible test of the safeguards, says Mark P. Mostert.
“Do you know that you’re going to die on Friday?” Brigitte Kranendonk asked her grandmother.
The 83-year-old woman began to cry. “I’ve made a mistake,” Brigitte Stegemann told her granddaughter, according to Kranendonk. She wept for nearly an hour.
This is not compassion if the person about to die cannot make herself understood. It is the machinery of death moving past the one vulnerable human being whose wishes should govern it.
Two days later, on July 10, Stegemann was dead. A physician had administered a lethal injection under Canada’s medical assistance in dying program. The question her family wants answered is as elementary as it is horrifying: Did she understand what was being done to her, and did she freely consent?
The details come from Kranendonk’s account of her grandmother’s final days. They demand serious scrutiny, not a soothing recital of the word “choice.”
Stegemann was a devout Christian with stage 4 stomach cancer. She had lived for about 18 months at a long-term care home in Cannifton, Ontario. She was hard of hearing, German was her first language, and her family says her understanding and memory were impaired. Kranendonk had helped care for her for 12 years and held her power of attorney for six.
According to her family, Stegemann had previously rejected an assisted death because it violated her faith. Yet while Kranendonk was away on a 10-day trip, staff arranged a MAID assessment. The granddaughter says she was told about the process only after it was under way. She had received routine updates about a fall and her grandmother’s need for a wheelchair, but nothing suggesting that death was now imminent.
When Kranendonk returned, she said, her grandmother was still eating, talking, and joking. At a subsequent eligibility assessment, Kranendonk says, the physician spoke of “medicine” and feeling “at peace,” without plainly explaining that the procedure would end Stegemann’s life.
“She doesn’t understand what you’re saying,” Kranendonk protested.
During questioning about her family, Stegemann gave answers her granddaughter knew were wrong. She said she had no living siblings, though two survived. Kranendonk was then asked to leave. Shortly afterward, she says, the physician announced that Stegemann had been deemed eligible for MAID.
On Wednesday, July 8, Kranendonk asked to see the paperwork authorizing her grandmother’s death. She was told Stegemann had signed it the previous day. Kranendonk says she has never seen the documents and does not know who witnessed the signature or how the request was explained. That was when she asked her grandmother whether she knew she would die Friday.
“I’ve made a mistake.”
RELATED:Canada kills 83-year-old Christian grandmother without consent, family claims — outrage ensuesROMAIN PERROCHEAU / AFP via Getty Images
Kranendonk told her she could refuse. The following day, they ate ice cream, shared memories, and danced to a traditional German polka. “We had the best day,” the granddaughter recalled. Such ordinary tenderness makes what followed almost unbearable to read.
On Friday morning, according to Kranendonk, a nurse struggled repeatedly to insert an intravenous line, leaving her grandmother bleeding. When the doctor arrived, she asked whether it was all right to give Stegemann “medicine.”
“My Oma is not moving. She doesn’t open her eyes. She doesn’t nod. She doesn’t say anything,” Kranendonk recalled. The doctor, she says, responded: “OK, well, I’m going to proceed.”
Stegemann was pronounced dead within minutes, her hands clasped in prayer.
The care home and practitioners have not publicly answered these allegations in detail. They reportedly maintain that Stegemann legally consented. No wrongdoing has been established. But Belleville police confirmed in September that the death was under investigation, and the family has sought a review by Ontario’s chief coroner.
Canadian law requires a voluntary, informed request and independent assessments. Ordinarily, it also requires express consent immediately before death. A narrow exceptionpermits a written waiver of final consent when specific conditions are met. Even that waiver cannot overcome a patient’s demonstrated refusal or resistance.

- Hannah McKay - Pool/Getty Images
The unresolved questions are therefore specific and grave. What did Stegemann sign, and when? Could she understand its meaning? Was there a valid waiver? Did she withdraw consent or express resistance? The documents and findings must answer them. Her granddaughter’s account cannot by itself establish a crime. It is more than enough to demand an investigation.
Defenders of euthanasia invoke “autonomy.” But autonomy requires comprehension, freedom from pressure, and a choice that belongs to the patient. It cannot be supplied by a doctor’s euphemism, a form no family member has seen, or silence interpreted as permission.
This is not compassion if the person about to die cannot make herself understood. It is the machinery of death moving past the one vulnerable human being whose wishes should govern it.
The burden belongs to those who ended Brigitte Stegemann’s life: Show that she understood. Show that she chose. Until then, do not ask her family to call it mercy.
Thursday, November 5, 2026
Dear readers
After twenty years and tens of thousands of posts, I have decided to make my comments occasional rather than daily.
Yes, it's the result of the recent election results.
I fear America has slipped into the dark hands of criminals and takers. So for my own mental health I cannot bear to chronicle the decline.
May G-d have mercy on us all.
jerry